ISIS in Afghanistan Pt.3: Analyzing Wilayat Khorasan’s Propaganda

INTRODUCTION:

This is the 3rd part of a 3 part series on ISIS in Afghanistan (Part 1 and 2 can be seen here and here respectively). In this write-up we will be analyzing Wilayat Khorasan’s (IS-K) propaganda. ISIS is known for having an extremely well developed media wing that produces an enormous amount of videos, magazines, and newspapers. ISIS has an understanding of media in a way that many other “traditional” jihadist groups never had. ISIS videos often feel like a Hollywood action film with slow motion explosions, combat, sleek graphics and an overall professional design. These videos are a far cry from the “lecture in front of a blank backdrop” style made famous by Osama bin Laden.

ISIS produces content in a variety of languages ranging from  Mandarin Chinese to French. While the majority of ISIS propaganda is produced in Arabic, there has been an increase in Urdu, Pashto and Dari propaganda through late 2015 and early 2016. IS-K’s effectiveness at propaganda will partially dictate whether they can peel away fighters from the Afghan Taliban. Thus we will be analyzing the various types of propaganda used by IS-K, as well as discuss some of the strategy and rhetoric IS-K uses in its propaganda. To do this we must first define what IS-K considers to be its territory of “Khorasan.”


WHAT AREAS CONSTITUTE “KHORASAN”?

Khorasan is a historical region referring to one of the provinces of the Ummayad Caliphate. The term has its roots in Middle Persian; Khorasan means “land where the sun rises.” The term historically included parts of Iran, Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Pakistan (Britannica, 2015).

khorasan
One possible interpretation of the Khorasan region

Khorasan has a lot of significance among Salafi Jihadist groups. A variety of hadiths (collections of sayings about the prophet Muhammad) mention Khorasan. One hadith narrated on authority of Ibn Majah, Al-Hakim, Ahma states that “If you see the Black Banners coming from Khorasan go to them immediately, even if you must crawl over ice, because indeed amongst them is the Caliph, Al-Mahdi.” While the accuracy of this hadith is debated among Islamic scholars, many Salafi groups follow this viewpoint (Taylor, 2014). Al-Qaeda’s online magazine was called “Vanguards of Khorasan” and references to Khorasan are often sprinkled through a variety of Islamist literature (Taylor, 2014).

IS-K’s definition of what they consider to be part of Khorasan is unclear. In January, 2016 an interview in ISIS’s English magazine “Dabiq” with Hafiz Saeed Khan (the head of IS-K) shed some light on their claims. Khan confirmed that they considered Kashmir as part of their proclaimed Khorasan. Furthermore, Khan stated that China is occupying parts of Khorasan. He specifically mentions Turkistan (Xingjiang).

KhanInterviewDabiq
The front cover of the interview with Hafiz Saeed Khan from the 13th issue of ISIS’s English print magazine “Dabiq”

Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan are likely included in the definition as well. The inclusion of parts of these territories in the historical Khorasan province of the Ummayad Caliphate supports this argument. Furthermore, IMU propaganda videos released after they joined ISIS still seem to mention Uzbekistan. While a small underground IS-K presence in Punjab and Sindh may exist (largely due to Jundallah joining IS-K), Khan specifies that “Western Pakistan” is included in Khorasan. Thus we can exclude Punjab and Sindh from the definition of Khorasan. Using this information we can map a possible interpretation as to what Khorasan’s claimed territory is.

KhorasanComplete
A rough approximation of territories ISIS considers to be part of Khorasan

IS-K’s claimed territory of Khorasan is massive; it spans multiple countries and 10+ major languages. While Dari/Persian and Pashto are the two biggest languages in the region, Urdu is also a key lingua franca in Pakistan and Indian Kashmir. Consequently, IS-K propaganda tends to be primarily in Pashto, secondarily in Dari and thirdly in Urdu.


BRUTALITY IN PROPAGANDA AS A RECRUITMENT TACTIC

ISIS in general is known for using brutality as a factor in their propaganda. From the burning of a captured Jordanian pilot to throwing people off buildings, ISIS has a history of excessive brutality (CBSNews, 2015). It is possible this was partially an attempt to gain media exposure as well as to “1-up” other Jihadist groups. The killing of a Jordanian pilot in particular created a massive media storm. While the vast majority of reaction to this gruesome incident was negative, it still gave ISIS a larger audience and thus a larger base to recruit from. IS-K seems to be following a similar approach executing several Taliban and village elders with an IED. Such a method of execution is not common in Afghanistan and was reported on by many Afghan newspapers.

Screen Shot 2015-12-17 at 10.16.47 PM
IS-K fighters preparing to execute the captured Taliban and village elders with an IED

IS-K’s brutality may be an attempt to lure younger, hot headed jihadists within the Taliban. The Afghan Taliban has been largely unsuccessful in its mission in overthrowing the Afghan government (though they have been increasingly successful at challenging the Government in recent times). Furthermore, after the death of Mullah Omar was revealed the Afghan Taliban has fractured significantly. IS-K’s brutality may attract hot headed jihadists that are disillusioned with the amount of infighting within the Taliban.

It is important to note that many times brutality may have the opposite effect. Excess brutality may alienate possible recruits or trigger a backlash from the public. IS-K has already experienced this when they executed Hazara civilians in Zabul Province during November, 2015 (Mashal and Shah, 2015). That execution sparked protests in Kabul and led to reprisals by the Taliban that crushed much of the IS-K presence in Zabul (SITE Intelligence Group, 2015). IS-K no longer has any major presence in Zabul due to this.

Afghan men protest to condemn the killing of seven Hazara ethnic minority that were kidnapped and killed by Islamic State militants in Ghazni province
Afghans protest the killing of Hazara civilians by IS-K (REUTERS, 2015)

IS-K’s brutality also triggered backlash in the form of defections. Abdul Rahim Muslim Dost, an ex-Guantanamo Bay detainee, pledged allegiance to the group and became a recruiter for IS-K (Joscelyn, 2015). He later revoked his pledge to the group stating that, “He [Hafiz Saeed Khan] unleashed cruelty, took the people to ignorance, violating Islamic injunctions and humiliated Afghans” (Khaama Press, 2015). It is unclear what net effect IS-K’s brutality has had on defections to the group.


IS-K’S RHETORIC AGAINST THE TALIBAN

IS-K’s rhetoric towards the Taliban generally revolves around pointing out their “un-islamic” practices. IS-K has accused the Afghan Taliban and the TTP as being agents of Pakistan on numerous occasions. In the Dabiq interview with Hafiz Saeed Khan the Taliban is described as being “Nationalist,” and that they “rule by tribal customs and judge affairs in accordance with the desires and tradition of the people, traditions opposing the Islamic Shari’ah.” This accusation is based on the fact that the Taliban relies heavily on Pashtunwali (the tribal code of Pashtuns) in its court systems. Accusations of nationalism are likely linked to the fact that the Afghan Taliban does not seek to expand beyond Afghanistan and is largely seen as being a group supported only by Pashtuns. IS-K also highlights the links between the Afghan Taliban and Pakistani Intelligence as another proof of the Taliban’s “unislamic” nature.

IS-K commander condemin Taliban
An IS-K commander in Kunar Province stating that “The Taliban take their orders from Pakistani Intelligence” in Frontline’s documentary about ISIS in Afghanistan (Quraishi and Doran, 2015)

IS-K also accuses the Taliban of dealing in opium stating that, “the Taliban themselves transport opium and heroin in their personal vehicles, charging a fee to the sellers and the addicts.” IS-K also states that, unlike the Taliban, they not only prohibit opium but cigarettes as well. Videos of IS-K burning cigarettes and opium have surfaced from Afghanistan. However, Afghan government sources state that IS-K wants access to the opium trade (Khaama, 2015). The majority of sources do seem to suggest that IS-K is destroying opium fields. Another interesting point is that despite having broken off from the Taliban, Khan seems to still have respect for the now deceased Mullah Omar. This is possibly done to avoid alienating Taliban who are on the fence about joining IS-K. Khan largely blames Akhtar Mansoor for the Taliban’s “un-Islamic nature.”

IS-K destroying opium
IS-K destroying opium, cigarettes and marijuana somewhere in Afghanistan

 

IS-K PROPAGANDA MEDIUMS

ISIS proper’s highly edited videos and general online presence seem be highly effective in spreading its influence in countries with moderate to high levels of internet penetration. In Afghanistan only 5% of the population have access to internet (CIA World Fact Book, 2014). Internet access is essentially nonexistent outside major cities in Afghanistan. ISIS and IS-K propaganda videos likely spread to rural areas of Afghanistan through copies being carried on DVDs, flash drives, SD cards and cell phones. Spreading propaganda in this fashion takes time and is a risky and slow process.

KunarProvinceCellPhone
IS-K member showing an ISIS video from Iraq on his cellphone to children in Kunar Province, Afghanistan (Quraishi and Doran, 2015)

Print media is clearly easier for IS-K to distribute in Afghanistan. but print media does not have the same allure of videos. Furthermore, it is unclear how high quality IS-K’s print media is. Substantial parts of their propaganda may be made locally rather than made by ISIS-central’s al-Hayat media center. IS-K’s print propaganda campaign includes distributing pro-ISIS letters and pamphlets (Outlook Afghanistan, 2016). The majority of these releases appear to be in Pashto or Dari and to a lesser extent Urdu. IMU releases pro-ISIS propaganda in Uzbek as well.

FatahISIS
An image from an ISIS pamphlet titled “Fatah” that was distributed in Pakistan (Khan, 2014)

Graffiti appears to be another easy method for IS-K to spread propaganda. Similar to “gang tagging” in the US, pro-ISIS graffiti is a cheap method used by IS-K supporters to remind people of an IS-K presence. It’s possible that much of this graffiti is not done by IS-K as an official policy but rather by  its supporters and low level fighters. Pro-ISIS graffiti has appeared in Pakistan in multiple locations ranging from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to Balochistan (Khan, 2014).

Pro ISIS graffiti
Pro-ISIS graffiti in Peshawar, Pakistan (Jeffery, 2014)

IS-K likely realizes that their reach and spread in Afghanistan is dependent on spreading their propaganda to pull low level fighters away from the Taliban. They launched an FM radio station in Nangarhar Province called “Caliphate Radio” in mid-December broadcasting on 90 FM (Khaama, 2015). This station broadcasted a variety of fatwas, lectures, and a variety of nasheeds (Islamic “A Capella” songs). IS-K released three Pashto nasheeds in 2016, “Remaining, Remaining – Wilayat Khorasan,” “Thankfully, the Islamic State Is Established,” and “Brotherhood of the Caliphate.”

IS-K radio
The logo of IS-K’s “The Caliphate Radio”

IS-K’s radio station was finally destroyed by an US airstrike  on February 1st, 2016 (CNN, 2016). Prior to its destruction it would appear that their broadcasts reached as far as Jalalabad (CNN, 2016). The radio station provided IS-K a way to reach a much larger audience in Afghanistan than it could previously with just videos and print material.


CONCLUSION:

While IS-K’s propaganda may not be as smooth and polished as the propaganda of ISIS-central, the group has substantially improved its ability to spread propaganda over 2015. The launching of a radio station in Nangarhar,  the writing and recording of Pashto nasheeds, and the larger focus on IS-K in ISIS-central’s publications all are signs of an increased propaganda campaign. While IS-K’s radio station has been destroyed, there is little indication what the Afghan government has been doing to counter IS-K propaganda. Though it appears the group’s expansion has slowed in recent weeks due to fighting with both the Taliban and the Afghan government, they are still a major threat to the stability of Nangarhar. A successful counter propaganda campaign will slow down their recruitment abilities and weaken the group as a whole.

Citations for this post are available here. Feel free to follow our blog and stay tuned for other write-ups and informative content. Part 1 and 2 of this series can be seen here and here respectively.

ISIS in Afghanistan Pt. 2: Wilayat Khorasan’s Leadership Structure

INTRODUCTION: 

Following our last write-up on ISIS affiliate Wilayat Khorasan (IS-K), the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated significantly. The US government added Wilayat Khorasan to its list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations. Furthermore, Wilayat Khorasan has conducted attacks with increasing frequency and on a larger scale. On January 13th, 2016 IS-K attacked the Pakistani consulate in Jalalabad, Afghanistan in a complex multi-person suicide bombing. This is the first large scale IS-K attack in a major city in Afghanistan (the prior 2015 bombing of a bank in Jalalabad has not been 100% linked to IS-K).

Despite the heavy losses ISIS has been facing in Syria and Iraq (with the Iraqi Government recapturing nearly all of Ramadi from ISIS in December and January), ISIS growth has not ceased in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Estimates by the UK based Royal United Services Institute put IS-K numbers at 7,000-8,500 in Afghanistan and 2,000-3,000 in Pakistan. In this write-up we will be analyzing and mapping IS-K’s leadership structure.


WHERE IS WILAYAT KHORASAN’S LEADERSHIP COMING FROM?

The vast majority of IS-K leaders and fighters are former Afghan Taliban or former Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). A small number of fighters were previously linked to Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). The fractured nature of both the Afghan Taliban and the TTP makes it fairly easy for IS-K to recruit commanders and fighters. In our previous write-up we discussed IS-K’s presence in Nangarhar and their general background and strategy in Afghanistan. While IS-K’s stronghold is still in Nangarhar and Kunar, IS-K is operating in a variety of provinces including Zabul and Ghazni.

It is not particularly challenging for IS-K to gain a presence in districts that are far flung from their core areas in Eastern Afghanistan. All it takes for an IS-K presence in a district is simply one or two Taliban commanders switching allegiance. As we will see in our analysis of the leadership structure none of IS-K’s leaders come from Syria or Iraq. Indeed, very few of IS-K’s leaders are even Afghan; the vast majority of its leadership is Pakistani.


WILAYAT KHORASAN’S LEADERSHIP STRUCTURE

KPK
IS-K Leadership Structure in KPK Province and FATA in Pakistan

 

Diagramre4
IS-K Leadership Structure in Afghanistan and Pakistan (excluding KPK Province and FATA)

HAFIZ SAEED KHAN

Hafiz Saeed Khan

Alias: Mullah Saeed Orakzai

Age: 42

Position: Emir and Wali (governor) of Wilayat Khorasan

Place of Birth: Mamozai Town, Orakzai Agency, FATA, Pakistan

Former Allegiances: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, Afghan Taliban

Status: Alive

About:

Not much is known about Hafiz Saeed Khan’s early life; however, he may have attended Dar-ul-Ulum Islamia (a madrasa in Hangu Town, Pakistan). After the US invasion of Afghanistan, Khan traveled into Afghanistan and joined the Afghan Taliban. He was reportedly in Kabul for 2 years during this time. At some point he became friends with Batiullah Mehsud (a Pakistani that was advising the Afghan Taliban in religious matters). In 2007, Batiullah Mehsud formed the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan and made Khan an Emir and religious leader for Orakzai Agency, Pakistan. By 2009 Khan was the head of the TTP in Orakzai Agency as well as a local judge. Following Mehsud’s death and the fragmentation of the TTP, it would appear that Khan grew disillusioned with the TTP. He and several other ex-TTP commanders pledged allegiance to ISIS in October, 2014. Reports that he was killed in an American drone strike emerged in July, 2015. This has been denied by ISIS and interviews with him in Dabiq (ISIS’s English print magazine) suggest that he is alive.


SHEIKH KULZAMAN AL-FATEH

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 10.24.30 AM

Alias: Gul Zaman

Position: 2nd in command to Hafiz Saeed Khan and Emir of Khyber Region

Former Allegiances: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

Status: Dead (Killed in US drone strike in July, 2015)

About:

Sheikh Kulzaman al-Fateh was a former TTP chief of Khyber Agency, Pakistan. He pledged allegiance to ISIS along with Hafiz Saeed Khan in October, 2014. He was reportedly 2nd in command to Hafiz Saeed Khan. Kulzaman was killed in a US drone strike in July along with Shahidullah Shahid (an ex-TTP spokesperson also part of IS-K). IS-K has not publicly announced a successor to Kulzaman.


KHALED MANSOUR

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 12.40.48 PM

Position: Emir in Hangu District, Pakistan

Former Allegiances: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

Status: Alive

About:

Khaled Mansour (also known as Khalid Mansoor) is a former TTP chief of Hangu District, Pakistan. He pledged allegiance to ISIS along with Hafiz Saeed Khan in October, 2014.


MUFTI HASSAN SWATI

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 12.46.26 PM

Position: Emir in Peshawar, Pakistan

Former Allegiances: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

Status: Alive

About:

Mufti Hassan Swati is a former head of the TTP in Peshawar. He was responsible for a suicide bombing that targeted a hotel in a Shia neighborhood in Peshawar in Feburary, 2014. Nine people were killed in that blast and 50 were injured. He pledged allegiance to ISIS along with Hafiz Saeed Khan in October, 2014.


TALHAH

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 12.21.32 PM

Position: Emir in Lakki Marwat District, Pakistan

Former Allegiances: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

Status: Alive

About: 

Talhah (likely an alias) is an Emir in Lakki Marwat District, Pakistan. He is most likely low level ex-TTP. It is possible he was a spokesperson for a TTP splinter group known as “TTP Tariq Group” at some point. He pledged allegiance to ISIS in January, 2015.


 HAFIZ DOLAT KHAN

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 12.34.05 PM

Alias: Hafiz Ahmed

Position: Emir in Kurram Agency

Former Allegiances: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

Status: Alive

About:

Dolat is a former TTP chief of Kurram agency (he was appointed to that role in May 2013). He was also responsible for a bomb blast targeting a JUI-F (A Pakistani Islamist political party) rally in Kurram agency during May of 2013. That blast led to the deaths of around 23 people. Dolat pledged allegiance to ISIS in January, 2015.


OBAIDULLAH PESHAWARI

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 11.25.20 AM

Position: Emir of Tawad al-Jihad in Peshawar

Former Allegiances: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

Status: Alive

About:

Peshawari is the emir of Tawad al-Jihad. Tawad al-Jihad is a small TTP splinter group that mostly operated around Peshawar, Pakistan. Peshawari was likely in the TTP as well prior to its collapse. He pledged allegiance to ISIS in January, 2015.


SHEIKH ABU YAZID ABDUL QAHIR KHORASANI

questionface

Position: Unknown

Status: Alive

About:

Khorasani is the founder of Abtalul Islamic Foundation. Abtalul is an online forum and media group that supports jihadists and radical Islamism. His role in IS-K is unknown; however, Khorasani has significant experience with media, video editing, audio editing and filming. It is possible that Khorasani is managing IS-K’s propaganda. Abtalul’s website is currently down; it is uncertain if it was shutdown by him or by government authorities. His deputy “Jawaad” pledged allegiance to ISIS in his stead on January, 2015.


SHEIKH MUHSKIN

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 12.02.22 PM

Position: Emir of Kunar Province

Former Allegiances: Afghan Taliban

Status: Alive

About: 

One of the few Afghans in IS-K’s Leadership Sheikh Muhskin is the emir of Kunar Province. He pledged allegiance to ISIS in January, 2015.


UMAR AL-MANSOOR

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 10.50.28 AM

Position: Unknown

Former Affiliation: Lal Masjid

Status: Alive

About: 

Mansoor is from Lal Masjid a radical Islamist mosque and madrasa complex in Islamabad, Pakistan. The mosque has had a significant ties with jihadists dating all the way back to the 1980’s. Lal Masjid is infamous for being raided by the Pakistani government due to its anti-government activity. The mosque recently was embroiled in controversy again when elements within it voiced support of ISIS. While it is unclear what Mansoor’s role will be, it’s likely he will be involved in dealing with religious matters given his schooling at Lal Masjid.


ABDUL RAHIM MUSLIM DOST

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 1.03.09 PM

Age: 56

Position: None (former recruiter)

Former Allegiance: Allegedly Jamat al-Dawa al-Quran, IS-K

Status: Alive

About: 

Dost is notable for being a former Guantanamo Bay Detainee. He was captured on November, 2001 and released in 2005 with no charges held against him. He resurfaced in 2014 and pledged allegiance to ISIS. He was reportedly serving as a recruiter for ISIS in Afghanistan, but he denied being a commander in IS-K. He withdrew his allegiance to Hafiz Saeed Khan in October, 2015.


UTHMAN GHAZI

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 1.18.06 PM

Alias: Usman Ghazi

Position: Emir of Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan

Status: Unknown/Possibly Dead

About: 

The nominal leader of IMU (IMU in reality is heavily splintered), Uthman Ghazi pledged allegiance to ISIS officially in July, 2015. Clashes between his group and local Taliban erupted soon after this. It is unclear to what extent IMU as a whole has followed him and joined IS-K. In some districts IMU are Taliban allies while in others they are IS-K allies. Fierce clashes between the Taliban and the IMU in Zabul Province may have lead to his death in January, 2016.


AHMED MARWAT

questionface

Position: Spokesperson and Likely Leader of Jundallah

Former Allegiance: Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

Status: Alive

About: 

Ahmed Marwat is the spokesperson and likely leader of the Pakistani Islamist group Jundallah. Jundallah pledged allegiance to ISIS in November, 2014. The group is responsible for a variety of attacks including the 2015 Karachi Bus shooting and the 2012 Kohistan Massacre. Jundallah is sectarian; many of their attacks target Shias and Christians. They conduct operations primarily in the core provinces of Pakistan including Punjab and Sindh. The group pledged allegiance to ISIS in November, 2014.


MANGAL BAGH AFRIDI

Screen Shot 2016-01-28 at 2.13.07 PM

Alias: Haji Mangal Bagh

Position: Leader of Lashkar-e-Islam

Status: Alive

About: 

Bagh is the leader of Lashkar-e-Islam (a small militant outfit originally based in Khyber Agency, Pakistan). He reportedly pledged allegiance to ISIS in January, 2016. A Lashkar-e-Islam and IS-K meeting in Achin district was hit by an airstrike in December, 2015. Lashkar-e-Islam reportedly has bases in Nazyan district of Nangarhar Province.


CONCLUSION:

This breakdown of the IS-K leadership structure reveals several key facts about Wilayat Khorasan. Firsly, the leadership structure is heavily Pakistani and heavily ex-TTP. Secondly, very few Afghans are present in the upper levels of the organization. The lack of Afghans in the leadership structure may hinder IS-K recruitment in Afghanistan. The leadership structure is largely Pashtun as well. IS-K likely will face challenges expanding to non-Pashtun areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan as a result of this.

The ties between Lal Masjid and IS-K are a major concern and threat. Radical madrasas in Pakistan may serve as a nexus for IS-K recruitment in areas that have traditionally lacked a significant TTP presence. Lal Masjid in particular is known to have funneled jihadists into Afghanistan during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.

Internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Pakistan also may serve as a hotbed for IS-K recruitment. Following Operation Zarb-e-Azb, an enormous number of Pashtuns fled the violence in the FATA and became IDPs within Pakistan. These IDPs largely moved to slums in Punjab and Sindh. These slums are poor and often have significant TTP and militant links. In Karachi police routinely raid slums to arrest TTP militants. The heavily fragmented TTP in the slums of Karachi may serve as a recruiting ground for IS-K. The Pakistani police are largely responsible for dealing with the militants in the slums of Karachi and Lahore. The police are largely ill-equipped for dealing with this threat due to poor funding, corruption and lack of training. Jundallah (now part of IS-K) largely operates in core Pakistani provinces rather than in the remote tribal areas; thus, IS-K may attempt to increase recruitment in those areas if their expansion in Afghanistan slows.

IS-K is an emerging threat in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Their presence further challenges the already unstable Afghan government and risks bringing a fresh wave of violence to Pakistan. Further cooperation between the Afghan  and Pakistani governments is required to successfully combat this threat. Furthermore, NATO’s Operation Resolute Support must ramp up the training of the Afghan National Security Forces, as well as offer assistance in countering ISIS propaganda. In our next write-up we will analyze IS-K’s propaganda, as well as compare and contrast it to the propaganda of the Afghan Taliban. A list of sources for this write-up are available upon request. Our previous write-up on this topic, “ISIS in Afghanistan Pt. 1: ISIS in Nangarhar Province,” can be read here.

Welcome to theOSINTblog

Hello Everyone,

This blog will focus on analysis and research on the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) and South/Central Asia. Feel free to follow us on Twitter as well. You can contact us at theosintblog@gmail.com.

Best Regards,
theOSINTblog